tv The Beat With Ari Melber MSNBC February 11, 2021 3:00pm-4:00pm PST
different set of fax. and we're going to be wrestling with this for a very long time, even if it's not coming from inside the house like it did this last election. >> elizabeth neumann, frank figliuzzi, thank you so much for spending some time with us today. and thank all of you for joining us for day three of donald trump's second impeachment trial. ari melber continues our coverage now on "the beat." hi, ari. >> hi, nicolle. thank you so much for another day of long anchors. we'll see you soon. >> thanks, ari. >> i want to wish everyone a good evening. i am ari melber. our special coverage of this trial continues right now. house impeachment managers have formally rested their case. if yesterday was about the tape, the damning and clearly disturbing evidence of the maga insurrection, today, well, the managers made it about the ringleader, showing evidence that donald trump was in on the attack before, during, and after. let me repeat that, because if you don't remember anything else from today, remember that. they showed the evidence to make
the argument that then president trump was in on this the whole time. it's the kind of evidence that can as a constitutional matter cut against any defense that maybe things just got out of hand, or donald trump would oppose and regret what his fans did. lead impeachment manager jamie raskin capping a dramatic day with an appeal for facts and sense. >> i've talked a lot about common sense in this trial because i think i believe that's all you need to arrive at the right answer here. let's not get caught up in a lot of outlandish lawyers theories here. exercise your common sense about what just took place in our country. >> exercise your common sense. at a time of incredible division, where politics and ideology, which a system under rule of law ought to be able to
debate and debate peacefully, when those conversations of debates have turned into lies, we're all living through it. it was part of the recent political era, but it's clearly part of the action of the insurrection that you can see with your own two eyes, that the senators ran from, the congressmen ran from, that the vice president ran from. we've been covering this. just as an observer and a reporter, i thought it was viking that this lead manager raskin ended by reminding everyone it's not about some arcane legal theory we may hear about tomorrow. it's not about whether people can find words and exceptions and clauses in the constitution to debate whether or not this is the exact right calendar point to hold a trial. it's about the people who were killed. it's about the other people who were almost killed. it's about the vice president rung. it's about the new video we saw for the first time this week of now democratic leader schumer running one way with his
security detail guns drawn and doubling back and running the other way, because even though they had their guns out, they thought better to retreat. it's about all of that, what happened and who, if anyone is responsible for it. as for donald trump's defense team, they will begin their case tomorrow, and they say they only need one day to make it. our special coverage continues now. yes joined by our panel of experts chosen for this big news night, emily bazelon, melissa murray, and former federal prosecutor john flannery. professor murray, i begin with you on that basic close from raskin that i don't think you need to be a lawyer to hear, i don't think you need to have followed every minute-by-minute piece. what did you think of the way he chose to close and what he was saying to both those senate jurors and to the audience beyond? >> i think he closed with a strong as finish as he started. he wove a complete story that began with this president over the course of many months
stoking a narrative that the election was about to be stolen from him. the election was stolen from him. and then on january 6, that he needed these patriots to step in and to claim the election for him, and that it related in this conflagration at the capitol. so he made that very clear. and then he made a very moving appeal to the senators themselves. if this is allowed to go unaccounted for, what will we see in the future? what is going happen in the future? how can we ensure that our democracy is in fact secure going forward? >> professor, you mentioned that other part of it, which we also pulled because it was striking. emily, for your reaction, listen to raskin on drawing the line. >> if we don't draw the line here, what's next? what makes you think the nightmare with donald trump and his law making and violent mobs is over? if we let him get away with it and then it comes to your state capitol or it comes back here again, what are we going to say?
>> emily? >> well, one thing that's so important here is congress, or at least the house managers asserting congress' rule as a coequal branch, right? this was an incursion by a mob that, you know, the house managers think was led and incited by the president, and they are sticking up for their institution. and i think the second part of this is to remind people that so often during president trump's term, people defended him by saying he was going to change, don't worry, it's all going to be okay. and that didn't happen. and so i think jamie raskin is saying what if you let this go unaddressed, you are welcoming it back? you are inviting a repeat play. >> john flannery, as a skilled prosecutor yourself, what did you think of the way today the managers said you know what happened. we now have all seen that. look at how he reacted. if you even wanted to give donald trump the best case
benign interpretation, they then use the evidence to show how he reacted during and in those critical hours after. what was in your view the constitutional import of that? >> well, i thought the constitutional import was they used the term that he didn't show remorse, but i would have put it the other way. the other way is his intent. he wasn't going to show remorse because what was happening was exactly what he wanted to have happen, and that he was resisting in every way this charge that he should lay back. he wasn't going to do that. that's why he had rudy giuliani call to say whatever you do, delay the certification of biden as the president-elect. so i thought the counterpoint to that is we hear a lot of expressions about the republicans acting in good faith as jurors, but they intend disinformation defense to conceal the fact that they have no good faith in the terms we mean.
they have adapted and embraced this trumpian approach to our republic, and they are not retreating from it. and we can see that. hawley and cruz and others and in the house members, they're there, and they are -- unless you put their hand in the fire, they're going to resist it. so where do we go with that? i think where we go with that is we have an argument in the midterms. we also have to brace ourselves against these kind of movements with and white house trump offending us going forward in our national dialogue. >> well, to pinpoint that, and the way john puts it, emily, the president had a very specific goal. it wasn't that it could have been january 5th or 10th or 21st. the fact that he was sloppy and at times ignorant about how this would all ultimately work, whether the presiding officer can overturn an election or not is actually not an easy thing to
do. if it were, obviously it might have come up earlier in the history, right, if it were just one person in the incumbent party could do that. but the fact he was sloppy with it doesn't change the culpability according to the managers. i want to play a little bit more of congressman neguse on this point. take a listen. >> the president had incited the crowd. he had to call it off because he was the only one who could. mr. president, you have got to stop this. you are the only person who can call this off. >> the president caused this protest to occur. he's the only one who can make it stop. >> the president's role in this insurrection is undeniable. >> emily, how did you view that substantively? this point at times has gotten lost i think in the public discussion that we actually know a great deal about what was going on in those few hours. it's pretty extraordinary. and we know now the president
personally and his top lawyer who requested trial by combat looked at this as a positive that they could through physical violence and overtaking the congress delay that night that which otherwise would legally occur, that this was whether or not you can say, and i want to be as fair as possible, that they wanted people to die. evident arealy you need to be careful with this. they wanted this to be delayed past that night because they thought it would help him steal the race. >> i think what's really important about the clips you just showed is they are in that period of time after the violence is unfolding in which president trump had a choice. he was the person who could have called it off as representative gallagher was begging him to do. that what the house managers would call dereliction of duty is really different from calling the people to the capitol on january 6, right?
when he is making those calls, you can imagine he thought there was a protest that was going to happen and that people thought they were coming to protest. once the protest turns into a violent mob, that rationale, that imagining of what's happening is gone. and that is the moment the fact when he didn't act becomes i think much more a problem for him in terms of his culpability for incitement, you know, a definition of incitement that congress can come up with, because congress gets to decide what a high crime and misdemeanor. >> john? >> well, the definition here which is striking to me, it's not about a dereliction of duty. the entire history of trump was a 2016 election which was interfered with by him. and then the next thing that we have is him deciding that his worst opponent for the presidential election is biden, and he interferes in ukraine. then he must have at some point decided that he couldn't get the vote because he was forecasting
it all along they're going to steal this from me, they're going to steal this from me. and then when he loses it, he goes into this full mode. this man's intent is so clear. and their defense is going to be that he was innocent in intent. and the prior facts that rebut that are in the normal court of law that that's nonsense his contempt is. >> he had the three stooges to reinforce each other and charge the hill. the plea people we pardoned, the same thing. we had stone and we had flynn. these guys were cementing this entire january 6 rally. and they sent them buses out there and everything. so if anything going thin like this was a one glide drug case is one way a prosecutor could approach it. but there is so much more stuff out there, and i think they made a sufficient case that this is
not a dereliction of duty, this is a clear intent, a clear intent to overthrow our government, and that that's acceptable in america, and they were going to take out the line of succession is certainly a fair implication. and in a regular crime, if you commit a murder in the course of the crime, you're responsible for felony murder, and these people were all agreeing and talking to each other in such a fashion that the only way you can read this is it was an effort to overthrow our government so he can become our first dictator, autocrat, king, whatever. >> i'm going ask professor murray to be the juvenile to the two cases we had, flannery being the most aggressive prosecutorial case. felony murder both happens. there is plenty of people in jail for felony murder. on the other hand, it's controversial because it's an aggressive approach. but if we call that the most aggressive, professor murray, and what emily was educating us on is the other legal analysis that separate from the narrow
definition of incitement, any use of power or betrayal of office is also impeachable and convictable. that is to say people who don't do the job. he abandoned his post. he did not defend the capitol. he did not defend his vice president. if you imagine a hypothetical where the vice president was pursued by people who didn't happen to be trump fans but were just other thuggish criminals trying to hang him in the front yard of the congress, i mean all the words we use, melissa, and it sounds stark, they're what happened. they wanted to have a public hanging of the vice president. >> right. >> if any president doesn't respond to that, that is an arguable potential impeachment dereliction, as emily was pointing out which is separate from what john argues that there is larger culpability. we give you the final word of this segment as a judge. >> i think john's point would be very fair in an actual court of law. this isn't an actual court of
law. this isn't an ordinary criminal proceeding. it has elements of the political to it. i think emily's points speak to that. what the managers were doing in trying to raise this dereliction of duty defense is basically a prebuttal for what is going to follow tomorrow where president trump's case is going to say he was fiery. he was rhetorical, but he did not intend anyone to go to lay siege to the capital. they're offering the defense yes, that may have been the case as john suggests, but even if it was the case, he knew he was the only one who could call it off and he waited and he waited and he waited, and then he embraced them as good people whom he loved, and he sent them on their way to be peaceful. but he didn't actually intervene in a way that was meaningful or to stop the violence unfolding in such a dramatic fashion. i'm going give this one to my school classmate emily bazelon. and john, i appreciated the
work. >> i don't know if you know how this works. the same sense the senate impeachment trial is only a quasi like court, so is in segment. in this judge's rulings are not final. we appreciate you. we love you. >> it's nice to be loved. >> even though we can mix in a little within serious times, we do feel more educated having listened to our kickoff experts here. emily, melissa and john. my thanks to each of you. we do have our shortest coverage right now. we'll hear from jeff merkley. we're back in 30 seconds.
our special skovrj continues. u.s. senator jeff merkley, a juror in this impeachment trial , who do you think the managers got across today? >> i think they laid out when you think about insilent, think of three basic things. the first did a person lay out a cause? that's trump saying the election has been stolen. did they essentially stoke the fuel, the anger of the mob over that? and certainly they laid out how trump had done that even before the election when there is only two possibilities, either i'm elected or the election is corrupt. and then he did it after the election in all kinds of ways.
and then the third part of incitement is you take that anger and did you focus it on a particular event? did you incite an event? and of course what we learned was that he rescheduled what was supposed to happen after the installation of the new president to january 6, timed it so the speeches could again hear people, invited people to it who had been violent in the past and aimed them at the capitol. and then when they proceeded to beat up police officers, he remained silent and in fact we now hear he was delighted. he was pleased and wondered why other people weren't as pleased as he was. so that was a very complicated case. >> that's the case, and we've been tracking how it's been playing. nbc sketch artist is in the gallery showing this set. a third of the republican seats were empty lease during the house manager presentation as of 1:00 p.m. eastern. in the terms of reporting, can you fortify our understanding of
today and overall how often have the seats been largely full or not? >> well, i felt they were largely full. i multiple times looked over to study my colleagues, and there would be four or five seats empty, but not a third. at 1:00 p.m., i'm surprised that's only an hour in. later people get up, they stretch, stand at the back, go to the bathroom, grab some water. but i did feel as the day wore on and they were hearing arguments at large that you have touched on before, that a larger number seemed to be checking out somewhat more. >> and senator merkley, those who follow this closely saw a little bit of the small controversy or what you might call a nontraversy with mike lee last night. what was striking putting parliamentary procedure aside was something very basic that had happened and been documented about donald trump basically, as i was mentioning to guests earlier tonight, just during the
darn insurrection and during the violence and the threats was still calling in, trying to delay the thing. he was exploiting it. and there were voice mails that have been confirmed. senator lee's office confirmed the calls that went into him that were designed for another senator, and we had that whole thing on the floor last night. i know you all try to be respectful of each other, and every senator does have certain procedural rights which i know of course from working in the senate. can you shed any light on that? it looked both petty and counterfactual. >> so the senators are not very aware of the rules we agreed to. my understanding is he could have submitted an objection in writing and had it brought up by the defense lawyers, but not knowing all that, the he stood up. he made an objection. he was very forceful that hey, this was said about me and i want to say this was not true. and the response was initially formalistic, but you couldn't hear our presiding officer patrick leahy.
we couldn't hear because his microphone wasn't working right. any way, it was a bit of a kerfuffle, but it kind of draws attention to that very point. what was that all about? that was about trump trying to reach tommy tuberville to even at late moments try to create more delay, more interference from preventing the votes from being finally certified and accepted. and so we see from the night of the election, trump is working to interrupt a valid election in every possible means. >> right. and specifically, senator, mike lee's office as of january 7th was saying yes, this happened, the implication being it's bad for trump. at that point in time, they were willing to share that fact. what has changed between then and now that mike lee is afraid of what his own office confirmed? >> i know we're all wondering the same thing. we're not sure if there was some nuance it wasn't accurate or trying to get his name
officially struck from the record. he wasn't forthcoming with us about why he jumped into that. he didn't want to explain what was accurate and what wasn't accurate. certainly was clarified the format reporting a magazine article or a published article. so they were not inventing some fact unless you point out his office had confirmed it. but to our sense, it was an effort either driven by his desire not to have his name in the record in that fashion, or simply to create a ruckus in the middle of this powerful or at the end of the day, but before the next session of this powerful presentation. you would think every republican right now is going we know that if it wasn't our base being so dedicated to trump because they live inside the trump media bubble, we would absolutely be voting to convict, because this
is overwhelming insurrection. we haven't seen the capitol stormed in 200 years. the president clearly was involved in every aspect of its planning and conduct. he wasn't apologetic. he knew that violence was very likely given the people he invited to come, and because of the violent response because of his other actions such as in michigan, and if he didn't know those things and was just being naive or forgetful, the moment that the police officers were attacked, he had a responsibility under his oath of office to intervene, and he didn't intervene, and he was happy about it. >> yeah. >> they are struggling with the fact they know in their heart they should be voting to convict. >> senator merkley, appreciate you joining us after a long day in the trial there. coming up in the program, how some are seeing or avoiding this trial. but first, neal katyal and michelle goldberg on the specific case against trump, when we come back. come back. 000. shingles doesn't care.
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now to our special report on this trial. did donald trump incite a riot of his supporters to help his failed plot to steal the election? that's the question. how impeachment managers say yes. and after two days of forceful and sometimes emotional arguments, they did today what prosecutors do. they rested their case. they presented evidence that they insist is damning to donald trump, like how even after the violent riot occurred, he was not remorseful because they say
what happened was what he wanted to happen, what he intended to happen. it's a point several managers made. >> when you or i make a mistake and something very bad happens, we would show remorse. we would accept responsibility. president trump didn't do any of that. why not? because he intended what happened on january 6. and how do we know that? he told us. >> look at what president trump did that day after the rally. it's important. he did virtually nothing. he reacted exactly the way someone would react if they were delighted. >> and the managers implored these senate jurors to act now to prevent any of this from ever going down again. >> what unfathomable horrors await us if we do not stand up
now and say no, this is not america? and we will not just express condolences and denunciations. we won't just close the book and try to move on. we will act to make sure this never happens again. >> today's evidence stretched beyond the core of this case, that trump's rally and the attack were impeachable. it stretched into things we've been reporting tonight to wider issues that also may speak to those attackers' intent in their inspiration. indeed, they themselves confessed they were on this crime spree because they were responding to donald trump. >> as one man explained on a live stream he taped from inside the capitol, quote, our president wants us here. we wait and take orders from our president. >> does he not realize president trump called us to siege the
place? >> dude! dude, let's tell trump what's up. >> would be very upset. >> he would be no, just say we loved him. we love you, bro. no, he'll be happy. what do you mean? we're fighting for trump. >> now in a contrast with a traditional trial, the managers also reached out into what people saw, what the evidence showed and emphasized because there is politics infused here that those people happen to include some republicans who did call out trump's obvious role in the political violence. now in the clarity of january 7th and those first fateful and scary days after this siege, this attack, this insurrection, there were calls for accountability. it's only been a few weeks, but democrats seem to be referencing how other republicans have already backed off criticizing trump for the insurrection, apparently in response to where they think their base is. a tendency that was on display in the senate with mike lee as
we were just discussing with a guest, but the archive still stands. >> people are to be held accountable. and yes, that includes the president. >> his remarks during and after the attacks on the capitol were disgraceful. >> the president's refusal to accept the election results has started a fire that has threatened to burn down our democracy. >> it's clear to me that president trump has abandoned his sacred oath. >> the fact these flames of hate of insurrection were lit by the president of the united states will be remembered as one of the darkest chapters in our nation's history. >> or will it? that's what some republicans said then. some of those voices have gotten quieter. history is being written now. and in these coming days in the senate and in these coming months and years in america.
now whether people can clearly denounce violence and insurrectionists and attempts to overthrow the government and the capitol and the democracy for what was designed as a trump dictatorship, all of these lines will be tested. the manager citing evidence to show that donald trump is on the wrong side of history, that's what they're arguing, that he declared january 6 never forget this, a day to remember. he declared it like some sort of open public terrorist sympathizer on the losing side of what was emerging as a sloppy failed coup. the managers also imploring senators in the wild world to get this history right. trump's celebration of those special rioters that he loved on that day to remember, that's some of the most incriminating evidence that leaded manager raskin to invoke arguing it will
be the senate's own fault if they cannot stop donald trump now when under the law right now they have the chance. >> president trump declared his conduct totally appropriate. so if he gets back into office and it happens again, we'll have no one to blame but ourselves. >> we're joined now by "new york times" columnist michelle goldberg, and neal katyal, acting u.s. solicitor general. michelle, your thoughts on the right side of history at this moment. >> well, i think that their argument was pitched to these republican senators who are in a strange position because they are at once victims of this failed coup, right. they were kind of cowering from the mob like everyone else. they're also accomplices to this failed coup because they have enabled trump and didn't remove him when they had the chance the last time he was impeached, and
they're jurors. so it's a very peculiar situation. and a lot of this argument was sort of saying to republicans trump targeted republicans too, over and over again they brought up this mob chanting "destroy the gop." they really focused on the victimization of mike pence, you know, "hang mike pence." they kept saying to the republicans trump is different than you. so if republicans wanted to get on the right side of history, if they wanted to make a break from the last four years, democrats are really giving them a gift. they were saying you can reap all the benefits of four years of trump, collect your tax cuts, enjoy your judges, and then once it's all over, wash your hands of it. but republicans can't accept this gift because their base won't let them, because so much of their base is still on the side of the insurrectionists. >> neal? >> yes, i agree with all that. like i certainly don't want the hear another word about blue lives matter or law and order from this party. if they can't stand up against
this, i'm not sure what they can stand up for. the other thing i'd say, i think it was a devastating point made by ted lieu today. a lot of people say oh, you're trying to impeach donald trump because you're worried he's going to win again. and lieu's point is no, we're not worried about that. trump can't win. he can't win an election to be dogcatcher again. he is a loser through and through. the worry is he might lose again and do this again when he loses. and so when we think about it from the eyes of history, we think about it from just pragmatic standpoint, the conviction is really important, just as it was last year. because last year, ari, you and i had this conversation. if he is not convicted, we're going to be back in some sort of situation like this, and lo and behold we are. >> you mentioned that real breakout and concise point from ted lieu. let's take a look. >> i'm not afraid of donald trump running again in four years. i'm afraid he is going to run again and lose, because he can
do this again. >> and neal, that's the connective tissue that donald trump was impeached twice for the same plot, which was to stop joe biden from beating him and taking his job. and because we still have a democracy under the rule of law even with all this, despite the enormous powers of the presidency and nominal control of the military, unless he did something totally beyond, he failed. he failed both advertisements going after the bidens in a way that might ding him enough, and he failed here. that to say nothing of the fact that the mueller report and other investigations showed in the initial election, although mueller in fairness didn't find a criminal conspiracy, he openly welcomed and intended to profit off and win off foreign help as well in the democracy, neal. >> yes, exactly. it is striking to me that, you know, that the system held.
it's great. it shows really our institutions at their strength. but at the same time when you watched the debate today and watch these republicans put their feet up on the chair, whatever, and not listen and the like, you got to wonder, where is the rule of law in all of this. ari, you and i are trained as lawyers. the first thing you learn on the first day of law school is switch the identity of the parties, would you think the same way. so i'd ask the democrats to say if this were a democratic president acting this way, would you vote to convict? and i'd ask the republicans the same thing. and there was a congressman back in 2008 who said, quote, the business of high crimes and misdemeanors goes to the question of whether the person serving as president puts their own interests, their personal interests ahead of public service. that's what the standard. it's not did you commit a crime or not. that congressman's name was mike pence. >> michelle? >> you know, i think there is something so tragic about what
the house impeachment managers were doing, because they were giving this impassioned good faith case sort of impeccably argued with the facts all on their side to a jury half of which really doesn't care, half of which kind of holds the entire process in contempt. and it's not just about donald trump coming back, because although the house impeachment managers for their own rhetorical reasons had to try to separate donald trump from the republican party, it's the entire republican party that has become hostile to democracy and really convinced of its right to rule. we don't just have to worry about more violence and more insurrection if trump makes another run at the presidency in four years. it's almost any republican i think it's been normalized that kind of republican election losses are somehow ill ledge visit with matt. >> right. and that's the toxic brew between part of this that is
racist and that imagines a kind of apartheid style anti-democratic rule, some of which might be technically lawful and some of which isn't. and then the blatant autocratic plans where you have hawley and cruz clearly lining up to what they pursue -- i'm not going to call it the right of the trump, i'm going to indicate at or beneath trumpism as an attack on elections themselves. the irony and the hypocrisy that neal mentions with pence is of course in spades with cruz, who actually did win a lawful iowa caucus against trump in '16 and saw that trump wouldn't concede or acknowledge that, and then went through a total definstrags and now carries trump's water all the way through the administration. it is pathetic. thanks to both of you as always for your expertise. up ahead, donald trump's defense team under fire from some of its largest traditional supporters. even hannity will get into that.
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this impeachment trial has been dominating tv coverage from news to entertainment. especially a contrast between the effective prosecution from house managers and increasingly negative feedback for the trump defense team. >> i thought it was a very powerful opening. >> a relentless crush of firsthand evidence. >> what we just saw was a master class in advocacy. >> this was very emotional, and it was incredibly powerful. >> i'll be quite frank with you. we thought that the house manager's presentation was well done. i worked in this building 40 years ago. i got lost then and i still do. >> that was the worst opening statement i have ever heard. >> a little meandering, a little
free associative. >> wow. >> go ahead. >> it was terrible. >> day two of trump's impeachment trial, and it went a lot better for trump than day one, mostly because his lawyers didn't have to speak today. >> that's some of how it's playing. we're joined by "washington post" political reporter libby casey. good to see you again. >> good to see you as well. >> what do you think about that aspect of it? we've spent most of our day on msnbc and most of "the beat" tonight on the trial. the arguments, the evidence, but how is this playing more widely and how if at all does that matter? >> the impeachment managers are making their arguments to two audiences, ari, the american public, but also the jurors, the senators. and the fundamental challenge here is that a lot of these senators are not impartial jurors. if you paid close attention, just after the proceedings wrapped today, a handful of republican senators, and these are important names, ted cruz,
lindsey graham and mike lee headed into the room where trump's lawyers are preparing. and so there is coordination there. now let's remember that last year when trump was on trial before the senate, mitch mcconnell was very open about the fact that he was coordinating with the white house. very few of these republicans are coming at this with an open mind. we did hear from one tonight, senator butch cassidy stopped and talked to reporters after the proceedings. he says he does have a couple of questions he does want to hear answers to from these lawyers tomorrow. let's see if they get the job done. here is what he wants to know, ari. he want toes what was president trump doing and thinking in those hours after the attack. why wasn't he coming out and condemning brutal attacks on police officers and was instead, as bill cassidy says, still trying to get senators like tommy tuberville to overturn the election results? the other thing he wants to hear about is why has president trump continued to deny the results of the election, something that cassidy said is still a real
problem back in his home state. >> and you mentioned what's going on back in people's home states. do you read at all whether the combined force including some of the presented evidence and the problems trump lawyers have had this far -- we'll see if they improve tomorrow -- and that sort of wider sentiment we just showed where it's sort of become a premise or a bit of a joke line, that this has been a mismatch? >> the impeachment managers have tried to show that legislators are people too, right. we saw some very powerful moments as they were describing their own very scary experiences. they also showed images of speaker pelosi's staffers having to run for their lives. and mitt romney having to do the same thing. and they've also tried to put a real face and personal portrait on the police officers whose lives were in danger or even lost. so they're trying to show the american public that this has had a true impact. and so there is that emotional mismatch. the question is just what
arguments will this defense team hit at tomorrow? if they want to focus on the constitutionality as i've heard you talk about, ari, that's already been settled. that got settled earlier this week. so that may be sort of a red herring tomorrow that we hear about. >> libby casey, as always, good to have you reporting and perspective. thank you. we're fitting in a break, but up ahead, impeachment manager stacey plaskett has been emerging as one of the stars of the party in the case, and now she is following the tradition of hakeem jeffries to do something pretty special. we're going show this first time with the tape. that's next. that's next. unlike other sleep aids, our extended release melatonin helps you sleep longer. and longer. zzzquil pure zzzs all night. fall asleep. stay asleep. these are real people, not actors, who've got their eczema under control. with less eczema, you can show more skin. so roll up those sleeves. and help heal your skin from within with dupixent.
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from endpoints to everywhere. made a strong, crisp and passionate case in the second impeachment trial of donald trump, fortified by stark evidence and a far more direct set of packs than the last impeachment trial when managers had to wade through european foreign policy and back just to make the case. it got so easy that donald trump's defenders were able to question why we were even here back then a line that drew an instantly famous rebuttal from congressman hakeem jefferies. >> we are here, sir, because president trump corruptly abused his power and then he tried to cover it up. that is why we are here, mr. sekulow, and if you don't know now you know. >> jefferies was paraphrasing an
icon from his brooklyn district, the late rapper notorious b.i.g. it turns out another manager carried out and carried on this tradition. delegate stacy plaskett, recounting the evidence and facts showing the violence by trump supporters was planned and organized despite recent efforts to obscure that truth. to emphasize the point she invoked a very political group run the jewels which had some lines about yes, there is a they any time a man say there is not then you know that he lost the plot, and truth's truth when denied or not. here she was. >> the truth is usually seen and rarely heard. truth is truth whether denied or not, and the truth is president
trump had spent months calling his supporters to a march on a specific day at a specific time in specific places to stop the certification. >> facts. trump's on trial for lying about the election, trying to steal the election and exploiting those lies to incite an insurrection to steal that election. plaskett is using her power to urge the senate and the nation to face those truths and hear them and in something of this trial remix she actually, we should note, combines two different artists. take a listen again. >> the truth is usually seen and rarely heard. truth is truth whether denied or not. >> the other line's actually from wu tang rapper and he also says, quote, the truth is usually seen and rarely heard. what's more dangerous than
hatred is the word. as the wrong words can destroy the truth. that song also has some wisdom about accountability that we might reflect on tonight at the congresswoman's urging. a song notes it is actually good for us to check our own faults, quote, to check fault in oneself is pure loveliness. you break the mirror that remind you of your ugliness. well, when the mirror shows our national ugliness, maybe we'd sooner break it than face it. let me explain why so many republican senators reportedly looked away at some of the harrowing video evidence of this trial rather than face it, but this is what trump's most hard core supporters did. this is their america. this is part of maga america. this ugliness was a criminal culmination of trumpism and like
other criminal trials it is hard to relive for any accountability and that is why ms. plaskett ranged from law to facts to poetic oratory so that we might learn from the past wisdom and faces. hey, dad! hey, son! no dad, it's a video call. you got to move the phone in front of you like..like it's a mirror, dad. you know? alright, okay. how's that? is that how you hold a mirror?
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>> impeachment managers rested their case today and this is part of the closing arguments we want to show you one more point from impeachment manager and congressman neguse. >> did he encourage the violence? remember what he said on january 6th. >> make no mistake. this election was stolen from you, from me, from the country. they use a favorite term that all of you people really came up with, we will stop the steal. you have to get your people to fight because you'll never take back our country with weakness.
we fight like hell, and if you don't fight like hell you're not going to have a country anymore. >> incriminating evidence from the man on trial himself. tomorrow our special coverage continues including trump's lawyer's rebuttals to what you saw there. you can always find me online @arimelber, i've been live tweeting part of this very trial. the reid out with joy reid starts now. ♪♪ ♪♪ ♪♪ >> good evening, everyone, and welcome to "the reid out." hours ago house impeachment managers concluded their second and final day of arguments closing the book on what under normal circumstances would be an open and shut case. they presented compelling evidence that among other thing, highlighted donald trump's lack of remorse following the historically awful events of january 6th. in what perhaps was an examp